China contemplates military support for G5S

Sahara

Published on Wednesday, 24 January 2018 Back to articles

The Sahel has entered 2018 with a shifted geopolitical focus. But interests of countries, like China, that have increased links to the Sahel over the December 2017 – January 2018 period are more inspired by political opportunism, than altruistic factors, or an overriding desire to resolve the region’s deepening crisis.

China, for example, already has a strong presence in the Sahel with well-developed commercial relations with Mauritania, Mali, Nigér and Chad. Beijing is, however, in the process of contemplating a military presence to add to its commercial one.

In 2017, China opened its first overseas military base in Djibouti. It is intended to protect and supply China’s 21st century maritime Silk Road. But satellite imagery and unofficial reports show that the base has military infrastructure — including barracks, storage and maintenance units — as well as docking facilities that can handle most vessels in its naval fleet.

From 5–8 January, the Chinese Ministry of Defence hosted the first conference on military cooperation in Shanghai between China, Africa and Arab countries. Representatives from Djibouti and Mauritania were present. Defence Minister Chang Wanquan announced that joint military exercises would increase in Africa, as would Chinese military cooperation in supplying equipment, training and the establishment of specialised units.

By coincidence, France’s President Emmanuel Macron arrived in China for a three-day visit on 8 January in which security in the Sahel was on his agenda. Macron asked his counterpart, President Xin Jinping, for Beijing’s support for the G5 Sahel (G5S) military force which China, unlike the US, has not made no financial contribution towards.

China’s UN representatives have been supportive of counter-terrorism cooperation in the Sahel for the past two years, and have even provided a small contingent to the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilisation Mission in Mali (MINUSMA). Beijing would prefer any further contribution to security in the Sahel to go through the UN channels. But, with G5S now having to raise its own funding, this is unlikely to be the case.

There is competition between China and France in Africa, with the former’s growing presence being a threat to Paris’ influence in Francophone Africa. And, with China’s already strong commercial presence in the Sahel states, its contribution to the G5S could further enhance its presence, while also adding to the safeguarding of its ‘African silk road’. Indeed, there is scope for a new Sino-Franco relationship in Africa, with France acting as the gate-keeper for Chinese commercial interests in its former colonies.

China has very limited military experience in conflict zones. But, according to reliable sources, it is already using 3,000 private guards in South Sudan to secure its oil fields and pipelines. Since 2012 the Shandong Warwick Security Group private security firm has been protecting Chinese facilities in Mauritania, Senegal, Burkina Faso, Mali, Guinea and Nigér.

China’s tendency to use private security facilities to protect its interests in these countries suggests that it may not be too averse to contributing to G5S. After all, it has already pledged US$100 million in military aid to the African Union.

Extending military aid to the G5S would seem a logical step, especially if it gives China greater insight and control over the conditions of the Sahel and West Africa aspect of its Silk Road policy. Over the next six months, Sino-Sahel and Sino-French relations will be a telling indicator as to China’s aspirations.

This article is taken from our monthly Sahara Focus publication. If you would like to discuss the article, region, or receive a free version, then contact our Africa team.

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